How Britain Lost Control Of Its Streets
From hooded thugs brandishing knives openly in Southend to the brutal massacre of three innocent, young girls in Southport, the inherent failings of the state apparatus has been made readily apparent.
Unlike what the media may deceive us into believing, Britain does not presently have a ‘far-right problem.’ At least, not one that constitutes a tangible threat to public safety. No, Britain faces a problem elsewhere, concerning a dominant liberal class that for years ignored and dismissed legitimate mainstream concerns over economic injustice, crime, immigration and failed assimilation policies. In fact, it wasn’t until quite recently that an orderly, civilized debate could even be had about these raised concerns. The media, be it in their opinion columns, their talk-show panels or even in their ostensibly neutral reporting, refused to accept that there was a burgeoning crisis, often catering to a [select few people in the Home Counties that prefer not to be made uncomfortable by hearing difficult truths.
They are now experiencing the blowback.
Over the past few weeks, a string of violent clashes have erupted across the country, highlighting the fragility of the UK’s social fabric. First, in Harehills, Leeds, the local Romani community attacked the police force, overturning a police car, torching a double-decker bus, erecting a bonfire of debris to block a main road, among other widespread disorder in the streets.
Southend faired no better as locals found their streets invaded by hooded thugs brandishing knives, threatening pedestrians and resulting in the arrest of eight people. Again, like Harehills, all of the culprits came from an immigrant background.
Then, in Southport, a small, fairly unremarkable coastal town north of Liverpool, three young, innocent girls attending a Taylor Swift-themed dance party were brutally killed in a knife attack, alongside five others, who remain in critical condition. The attacker was a 17-year-old Rwandan who lived in Banks, a nearby village, but originally was from Cardiff.
Happening silmultaneously, a 24-year-old Kurdish asylum seeker attempted to murder Tadeusz Potoczek, a 61-year-old postman, after pushing him onto the tracks at Oxford Circus Underground station in London.
In the days since, the narrative around these tragedies has shifted from the victims themselves to the response exhibited by locals, who, feeling frustrated with the inadequacies of the police force in resolving the situation, have opted to take matters into their own hands. In Southend, almost immediately after the culprit’s arrest, shock gave way to anger, as locals began to voice their frustrations through physical altercations with the police, who many believed had abjectly failed to respond in time. It was a grim orgy of destruction that insulted the quiet dignity the good people of Southport have shown since evil visited their town on Monday.
Similar skirmishes erupted in Hartlepool and Alderside over the following days.
The response from Whitehall has been shockingly in consistent. When gypsies set Harehills aflame, the police failed to control the situtation, relying on reinforcements from neighbouring jurisdictions until they could restore order in the early hours of the next morning. There was also a palpable strain of empathy in the media coverage. When thugs terrorised beachogers in the city of Southend, it took them several hours to finally intervene and make arrests. It was only when native British people mounted a demonstration that prime minister Keir Starmer finally brought the “full force of the law” down on them. Swift arrests were made and the febrile situtation was extinguished reasonably quickly. It suggests that certain demographics are immune to scrutiny.
Everyone of good moral fibre will condemn the riotous events. Thirty-nine officers were injured, eight seriously. Communities already reeling from misery should not grapple with any more, if helped.
And yet, condemnation is not enough. It’s the easy bit. Firing off tweets about Southport’s ‘sickening’ riot is a breeze in comparison with the far harder task that now confronts us – which is to tease out the origins of this rage. To ask why people seem so angry. To inquire – seriously – into the febrile atmosphere that has befallen certain working-class communities. The commentary classes can condemn yesterday’s rioters as ‘thick gammons,’ ‘racists’ or ‘bigots’ as much as they like, but to some of us, things are rather more complicated than that.
No matter the location, people are growing disillusioned with the lack of protection offered by local authorities and taking matters into their own hands. Riots are spreading rapidly through the country like an untameable plague, as communities burn and families grieve.
Societal order in many urban centres has broken down precisely because the media still refuses to acknowledge the failure of multiculturalism. If they refuse to highlight the issues, then the wider public remains ignorant as to the full-scale of the systematic issue and then will be unable to apply pressure onto politicians to adress this fundamental problem with action, not words. It’s why our MPs and police offers feel so confident regurgitating the same manufactured speech calling for vague concepts of unity and harmony before brushing the issues, once again, under the rug, to be ignored until they’re briefly brought to the public’s attention. Rinse and repeat. It’s a violent cycle and one we’re all paying the price for.
And this is just what is manifesting in public. We now know the truth about the systematic sexual abuse suffered by vulnerable white girls in northern post-industrial towns at the hands of mainly Muslim men, inculcated with a belief that these dehumanised “kuffar” were worthless. We know about the Batley school teacher who, two and a half years on, remains in hiding with his family after he showed pupils a depiction of the Prophet Mohammed. We know about the show trial, held in a mosque with the police participating, when a Wakefield schoolboy was accused of desecrating a Koran. In all these cases, state organisations themselves were complicit in criminality, threats and violence.
The desire to play things down, to convince ourselves that this is all about a quarrel in isolated communities, local spats amplified under the magnifying glass of the media, might be understandable, but it is profoundly wrong. The people chanting this hatred are almost certainly British nationals, some of them second or third generation immigrants who have known no country other than the UK. It would be naive to suggest that all of them are recent immigrants still at ease with their new home and taking time to settle down. And they are doing so in such huge numbers that the police have opted not to enforce the law for fear of wider public disorder. While some of the hatred is targeted at Jews, it is also meant for the rest of us, epitomising the disdain many feel towards Western society and culture.
Once, when terrorism struck here in the UK, we had anguished debates about these problems. More recently, however, we have become inured, as everything quickly moves on. When three British citizens were butchered on the streets of Nottingham last year by a migrant twice-convicted of sexual assault in his home country, MPs chose to discuss abuse on social media rather than the extremist ideology that might have impelled his murderer. Everything from the massacre of children to the assault of women is either waved away or minimalized. When attacks occur, we are always told to wait until a conviction to debate the motive. Predictably, that debate never comes.
This extremism, and the radical diversity of our society, brimming with ethnic tensions and imported hatreds, means the assumptions that informed traditional British policy – pragmatism, moderation – no longer hold. The diminished commitment to shared norms and our weaker common identity means there is less social trust to sustain our freedoms in the conventional way. The sooner we realise this, the less painful will be the changes we face.
Broadly speaking, we need a more muscular approach to end this culture of domestic separatism: in immigration, law enforcement, and public policy across the board. The jurisdiction of the police and CPS should be expanded to uphold the law, but the law should be tightened to clamp down on incitement, hate speech and extremism. There should be a register of imams and mosques, with unacceptable behaviour leading to preaching bans, investigations and, if found guilty, closures.
In the weeks and months ahead, we, as a society, will need to ask ourselves if the feelings of certain ethnicities or religions are more important than the blood of our children, families and communities. Will the establishment finally confront the problem or will they continue to coddle them, shielding them froms scrutiny? The answer to those questions will rest on whether the British public mobilises.